‘The greatest danger is in failing to recognize that societies can be structured to make atrocity normal’: From Yugoslav Atrocity Perpetrators to Intergenerational Extremism

The following is Dr. Mirza Buljubašić‘s contribution to JiC’s ongoing symposium on Alette Smeulers’ new book “Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal?”. Buljubašić is a criminologist with a PhD, MA, and BA in Criminology, as well as degrees in Criminal Law and Security Studies. His research focuses on political violence, including atrocity crimes, terrorism, and extremism, as well as punishment, transitional justice, and intergenerational criminology. All other contributions to the symposium can be found here.

People flee Vukovar, Croatia in November 19, 1991. (Photo: picture alliance/dpa)

The warehouse in Srebrenica was suffocating with fear, its air thick with sweat and dust. Terrified men stood in clusters, their hands bound, pressed together as if proximity could offer protection. Outside, executioners adjusted their rifles with mechanical precision, their movements practiced, almost routine. Some among them were barely recognizable—neighbors, classmates, men who had shared streets and workplaces with their captives. Now, they were soldiers, policemen, paramilitaries, enforcers of an ideology that had hollowed them out. Some hesitated, fingers hovering over triggers, but their hesitation was fleeting. The weight of command, the collective momentum of violence, and years of dehumanization had left little room for conscience. Killing had become mechanical, detached, even necessary in their eyes. These were not mythical monsters but men shaped by war’s brutal logic. How does one become a murderer? Not in a moment, but through a slow erosion of boundaries, an incremental descent into a world where atrocity is not only permitted but expected.

What is normal? Can men who commit such acts ever be considered normal? Is war itself normal? A most haunting realization is that atrocity becomes routine, woven into daily life, its horror dulled by repetition. Normality is pliable, shaped by ideology, violence, and the silent complicity of those who look away. Alette Smeulers’ Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities: Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal? confronts this, dissecting the motivations of those who commit mass violence. Yet, can such a typology fully explain the Yugoslav Wars (1991–2001), where state and paramilitary, soldier and civilian, executioner and neighbor blurred beyond recognition? In this war, violence was not dictated solely from above but emerged in the everyday—in makeshift detention camps, in commandeered schools, in town squares where men who had once lived side by side turned on each other with chilling ease. It was not only the architects of war who bore responsibility but also the individuals who, in the right—perhaps more aptly, the wrong—circumstances, became willing executioners.

Political leaders like Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, and Franjo Tuđman did not need to pull the trigger to be responsible for mass atrocities. Their power lay in the narratives they crafted—stories of historical victimhood, ethnic purity, and existential threat that transformed neighbors into enemies and violence into duty. They manipulated grievances, rode the waves of fear and resentment, and mobilized their own communities into war machines. Karadžić did not have to stand in Srebrenica to be complicit in genocide; his speeches, directives, and unrelenting far-right vision ensured others would carry it out. The killings were not a spontaneous explosion of hatred but a systematized project, embedded into the structures of war.

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‘What are perpetrators actually doing, and to whom?’ A call to focus on the actions of perpetrators of mass atrocities

The following contribution to JiC’s ongoing symposium on Alette Smeulers’  “Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal?” comes from Dr. Iva Vukušić, an Assistant Professor of International History at Utrecht University, the Netherlands. You can access all contributions to the symposium here.

The Srebrenica-Potočari Memorial and Cemetery (Photo: Remembering Srebrenica)

The research presented in this book has been conducted over almost three decades, and across multiple disciplines: from political science and psychology to sociology and anthropology, criminology, history, to religious and legal studies. This breadth is one of its strong points. Alette Smeulers’s book is a valuable contribution to interdisciplinary scholarship and a great starting point for students and scholars trying to navigate the complexities of conducting research into perpetrators of mass violence, across time, space, and contexts. 

The book’s structure follows different perpetrator types and the central claim Alette makes is that people who commit illegitimate and illegal mass violence can be understood as belonging to different categories and that those can be both defined and bounded. This does not mean there are no grey areas or that people do not switch between these types through their lives. These categories span different levels of authority and power, and often reflect different motivations: the criminal mastermind, the careerist, the profiteer, the follower, the fanatic, etc. 

Typologies, Alette makes clear, are tentative and represent an effort to organize what is complex, to better understand the phenomenon of perpetration. The idea underpinning the book is to make some sense of the varied ways that people commit mass atrocities. That understanding, while valuable in its own right, is also presumed to be helpful in accountability efforts in the criminal justice arena, as it makes it easier to recognize what kind of approach the prosecution can take in constructing its narrative in the courtroom. After all, prosecutors tell stories, backed by credible evidence and couched in legal analysis in the hope that judges find them convincing.   

In the spirit of a lively academic debate and advancing our collective thinking on this topic, I want to make two claims here and propose a way forward in this field, building on Alette’s important scholarship, and that of many of our esteemed colleagues. These will go beyond the critique we often hear in this context, of typologies being inherently too reductionist and static, or that whatever roles people inhabit change, and someone who is a perpetrator today can be a helper tomorrow. Tim Williams has problematized these kinds of dynamics, as has Kjell Anderson.

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The Traumatized Perpetrator – “I actually murdered somebody. I felt very bad about that and I just wanted to run away.”

The following contribution by Bart Nauta is part of JiC’s ongoing symposium on Alette Smeulers’ new book “Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal?”. Bart is a historian and interdisciplinary researcher at ARQ National Psychotrauma Centre and a PhD candidate at Utrecht University, where his research explores the concept of perpetrator trauma. You can find all of the other contributors, here.

Varnado Simpson, a U.S. soldier who participated in the Mai Lai Massacre in Vietnam (Image: AllMarine Radio)

Attempting to comprehend the  lived experiences of perpetrators, in a world fraught with everyday atrocities, is a moral imperative not just for scholars, but for anyone concerned with the present state of the world. Alette Smeulers’ Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities: Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal? invites us to examine without prejudice the unimaginable acts of violence that have been committed by thousands of perpetrators. The book explores the various types of individuals involved in such crimes, offering a rigorously documented resource for scholars, students, and the public.

As unsettling as it may seem, stepping into the minds and moral worlds of perpetrators reveals a disquieting truth: they, too, can be traumatized by their own acts of violence. Their acts of killing or torturing unarmed civilians can develop into a trauma, a psychological wound. Their trauma manifests itself through nightmares and overwhelming feelings of guilt.

The study of ‘perpetrator trauma’ remains in its infancy, largely due to the immense challenges of empirical research, since engaging directly with perpetrators is a daunting task. Fortunately, Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal? provides several meticulously documented case-studies. In doing so, it sheds light on a possibly emerging typology: the Traumatized Perpetrator. What insights on perpetrator trauma can we gain from Smeulers’ work?

We might consider perpetrator trauma a perverse topic, since many would conceive trauma as the experience of victims who must receive recognition, attention and respect. However, Berkeley law professor Saira Mohamed stated that perpetrator trauma ‘recognizes trauma as a neutral, human trait, divorced from morality, and not incompatible with choice and agency.’

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Introduction – A JiC Symposium on Alette Smeulers’  “Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal?”

What forces make and shape perpetrators of mass atrocities? What makes them tick and ultimately resort to horrific violence? What explains their behaviour, and their decision to resort to the commission of international crimes? What can understanding different motivations and perpetrator types reveal about how mass political violence is waged and instigated? 

In exploring typologies of perpetrators and by troubling dichotomies all-too common to the study of mass political violence, these questions are among those Alette Smeulers seeks to answer in her new book Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal?, published by Routledge in 2024.

Justice in Conflict is honoured and excited to announce that over the next few days, we will host an online symposium on Smeulers’ book, with contributions from authors and experts in the fields of international criminal law and justice, transitional justice, political violence, and history. Contributors to the symposium include Mina Rauschenbach, Iva Vukusic, Carola Lingaas, Bart Nauta, Nandor Knust, and of course, Alette herself.

The following is a description the contents of Smeulers’ book and its aims:

The 9/11 attacks, as well as the ones in Madrid, London, Paris and Brussels; the genocides in Nazi Germany, Rwanda and Cambodia; the torture in dictatorial regimes; the wars in former Yugoslavia, Syria and Iraq and currently in Ukraine; the sexual violence during periods of conflict, all make us wonder: why would anyone do something like that? Who are these people? Drawing on 30 years of research, in this book Alette Smeulers explores the perpetrators of mass atrocities such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and terrorism. Examining questions of why people kill and torture and how mass atrocities can be explained, Smeulers presents a typology of perpetrators, with different ranks, roles and motives.

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Who commits international crimes? A typology of perpetrators

This post is Alette Smeulers‘ introduction to JiC’s symposium on her book, Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal?. Smeulers is a professor at the University of Groningen in the Netherlands. Her research takes an inter- and multidisciplinary approach, focuses on on the causes and perpetrators of international crimes and terrorism, as well as the international criminal justice systems dealing with these crimes. Other contributions to the symposium can be found here.

Adolf Eichmann on trial in Jerusalem in 1961

Discussions of mass atrocities usually involve questions on whether the perpetrators are mentally disturbed sadists or ordinary people, as well as on what drives their actions: ideology, obedience, sadism, material gain, or fear. The typology in my new book, Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Terribly and Terrifyingly Normal? (which will soon by published in Dutch under the title Angstaanjagend normal) seeks to end that debate. Most (but not all) perpetrators are ordinary people and motives play a role but in different ways for all different types of perpetrators. 

Ideology and obedience are present for all perpetrators but in different ways. For some, ideology (or hatred) is a motivational factor. For others, it is a means to rationalize and justify their crimes after the fact. The same is true for obedience: some perpetrators commit their crimes out of obedience, others take advantage of the fact that atrocities are ordered, accepted or condoned or rely on obedience as an excuse. 

The typology put forward in my book aims to show that people, including perpetrators, are different and are driven by different motives. No one is born a perpetrator; people become perpetrators. Admittingly, this transition is easier for some than it is for others but we all can become perpetrators, although not everyone can become just any type of perpetrator. 

The type of perpetrator we can become depends on situational factors, as well as our genes, upbringing, character traits and the choices we make. Only a few ambitious, power hungry, and ruthless people with leadership skills  will become Criminal Masterminds. Those who are extremely ambitious can become Careerists. Those who have strong ideological rootings can become Fanatics. Those who are driven by their own material or personal gain can become Profiteers. And,  those who are obedient and conformist can become Followers.

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“It is time for the further concrete action that has been promised”: an Open Letter to Prime Minister Carney to take decisive action to end genocide in Gaza

(Photo: AP)

The following is an open letter to Canadian PM Mark Carney, written (in both English and French) by 412 Canadian legal, human rights, social justice, international relations, diplomatic, civil society, faith and labour leaders from across the country. The letter was written by former Amnesty International Canada Secretary General Alex Neve, UN Special Rapporteur Leilani Farha, Professor Ardi Imseis, former UN Special Rapporteur and Professor Michael Lynk, Professor Heidi Matthews, and myself,

Open Letter to Prime Minister Carney on Gaza Crisis

We write as a concerned group of 412 Canadians, including academics, lawyers, former and retired ambassadors (including to the United Nations), ministers and public servants, UN human rights experts, and civil society, labour and faith leaders, all deeply concerned with the catastrophic human rights and humanitarian crisis in Gaza, now into its twentieth month.

Israel’s actions in Gaza are broadly understood by international law experts and leading human rights organizations as constituting genocide. We write with the demand and expectation that Canada must do everything in its power to stop these atrocities and support efforts to bring those responsible to account. This is what our signatures on the 1948 Genocide Convention and the 1998 Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court demand.

We call for decisive action with respect to five priority recommendations:

  • Work actively towards an immediate, permanent ceasefire and the release of all Israeli and Palestinian captives
  • Insist on full humanitarian access to Gaza and demand that the Israeli ban on the UN Relief and Works Agency be completely lifted
  • Publicly support the role of and fully comply with international courts in holding to account those who violate international law
  • Pursue all possible domestic measures, including immediately withdrawing from the free trade agreement between Canada and Israel, imposing sanctions on Israeli leaders, initiating investigations under the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act, enforcing a full and comprehensive two-way arms embargo, and stripping charitable status from organizations found to be complici in crimes under international law
  • Without further delay, join the 149 states who recognize the State of Palestine and support all efforts for Palestine to be admitted as a full member of the United Nations

We write with urgency as Prime Minister Carney will host the G7 Summit from June 15-17, which presents a crucial opportunity for concerted action by seven of the world’s most influential and powerful governments that must be seized.

Link to letter in English.

Link to letter in French.

Link to list of endorsements.

The text of the letter, in English and French, and the list of endorsements, follows.

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An Accountability Game-Changer? Canada opens structural investigation into atrocities committed in the Israel – Palestine war

(Photo: Mohammed Zaanoun; Medical Aid Palestine)

Canadian authorities are conducting a structural investigation into war crimes and other atrocities committed in the Israel-Palestine war. First reported by journalist Ben Mussett, the news comes amidst mounting evidence of the intentional starvation of civilians in Gaza, the refusal of Hamas to return hostages, moves to build new (and illegal) settlements in the West Bank, and open calls among Israeli leaders to depopulate Gaza. The investigation marks the first time that Canada has dedicated tangible resources to investigating international crimes in Palestine and Israel.

Here’s what we know so far.

The RCMP opened the investigation in early 2024, just months after the 7 October 2023 attacks by Hamas, and amidst Israel’s ongoing siege on Gaza. 

A structural investigation collects and preserves evidence of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in a particular context without necessarily linking that evidence to specific perpetrators. Somewhat akin to a fact-finding mission, such investigations can collect evidence by reaching out to victims and survivors who have fled wars of atrocity events to gather their testimony. They can also include collecting open-source evidence such as videos or photographs.

States like Canada can use the evidence collected if an opportunity to do so arises, for example to support a prosecution of a perpetrator who enters onto their jurisdiction. Alternatively, they can share that evidence with other authorities – the prosecutors of allied states or bodies like the International Criminal Court (ICC). 

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It’s time for states to put their money – and Russian assets – where their mouths are

(Photo: Richard Lautens / Toronto Star)

Given the presence of the Orange Man in the White House, defenders of democracy and the international rule of law can no longer count on the United States for support. Other countries need to step up. One way to do that is to finally act on forfeiting the assets of Russian oligarchs and companies and giving them to Ukraine. It is not Ukraine’s allies, but Russia, who should pay for its illegal war in Ukraine. 

For over two years now, Canada has talked a big game, claiming that it would freeze, seize, and forfeit the assets of private Russian entities and oligarchs and then turn them over to help Ukraine’s recovery. At first, there was some significant movement. In 2022, Canada restrained $26 million dollars held by a company, Granite Capital Holdings, owned by Vladimir Putin’s pal, Roman Abramovich. In 2023, it seized an enormous Antonov airplane from the Volga-Dnepr company. No state had ever tried to forfeit the assets of sanctioned persons before. But Canada had amended its Special Economic Measures Act and was poised to be a trailblazer.

The next step was to get judicial approval of the forfeiture of the assets and then send them to Ukraine. Yet the government has not even filed in court. Global Affairs Canada has refused to shed light on what’s happening and claimsthere is no timeline for action. In Ukraine, death and destruction continues.

Separately, announcements by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on a recent trip to Kyiv have caused confusion: is Canada now going to seize Russian state assets to help Ukraine? So far, the answer is no. 

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The Past Roams in the Present: Transitional Justice, Fascist Cultural Property, and Mussolini’s Chicago Footprint 

Mark A. Drumbl is Class of 1975 Alumni Professor of Law at Washington and Lee University, where he also directs the Transnational Law Institute. Many thanks to Ana Laura Coria for research assistance, and Inge Gruenwald, Barbora Holá, Mark Kersten, and Alex Klein for comments. All photographs – except for one, as indicated — are taken by the author.

The flight plan of Italo Balbo and the Italian Air Armada, from the Official Book of the Flight of Gen. Italo Balbo and His Italian Air Armada to a Century of Progress (1933); see https://www.publicbooks.org/balbo-monument-chicago-soldier-field/

Italian dictator Benito Mussolini gifted a fascist monument to the city of Chicago in 1934. It still stands, today, in public. I went to see it in early March 2025. I did so when I was in Chicago for the International Studies Association Annual Meeting. 

The monument was easy to find. It’s a twenty-minute stroll from the downtown Chicago Hilton Hotel, where the conference was held.

The story of this monument traces to 1933. In that year, twenty-four seaplanes left Mussolini’s Italy and flew, via several transatlantic stops, to the United States, notably, to the shores of Lake Michigan. These planes were commanded by Italian aviator Marshal Italo Balbo. Balbo was a member of the Blackshirts (fascist paramilitary). He was appointed Air Minister in 1929 and built the Aeronautica (the Italian Air Force). An avowed fascist, Balbo was central to Mussolini’s ascent to power. Mussolini also envied Balbo and saw him as a rival.  So, Mussolini conveniently sent him to Libya, where in 1934 he was named Governor-General of the then colony. Balbo was a key part of Mussolini’s colonial wars in Ethiopia, Libya, and Somalia. Balbo extensively bombed Ethiopia. Although Balbo opposed Mussolini’s alliance with the Nazis, Hitler celebrated his tactics. Balbo died in 1940 at the age of 44. He was reportedly downed by friendly fire over Libya. His remains, initially interred outside of the Libyan capital of Tripoli, were returned to Italy in 1970 after Libya’s then leader, Muammar Gaddafi, threatened to destroy all Italian cemeteries in the country.

(Photo: Mark Drumbl)
In 1934, Chicago held the World’s Fair (entitled the Century of Progress Fair). These World’s Fairs – precursors to the EXPOs – were a really big deal. In it, countries gathered to share their technological, artistic, and scientific innovations. The World’s Fairs were prowess flexes. Many people attended.

All of these threads weave together. The monument takes the form of a Corinthian column dedicated to the honor of Italo Balbo and his aviation accomplishments. Mussolini offered it to Chicago for the Century of Progress Fair. It arrived by boat. It is unsurprisingly called the Italo Balbo Monument. The Balbo Monument was warmly welcomed by Chicago officials, including the mayor, and dedicated on Chicago’s Italian Day in 1934. Erected for the Fair, and placed in front of the plane-shaped Italian Pavilion, the monument remained after the Fair shut down and the Pavilion packed up. The Balbo Monument, ironically, is the only fixed remnant of the 1934 Fair.

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Rodrigo Duterte’s “Drug War” Lands Him in The Hague: Some Initial Thoughts

Former President of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte (Photo: AP)

The brazen and brash former President of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, has been surrendered to the International Criminal Court (ICC), where he faces charges of crimes against humanity, allegedly committed during his so-called “drug war”. A warrant for Duterte was issued under seal earlier this week and communicated to authorities in the Philippines, who subsequently arrested Duterte upon his return from a trip to Hong Kong.

According to the warrant against Duterte, he is charged with murder as a crime against humanity. The ICC judges who authorized the warrant stated that “there are reasonable grounds to believe” that the attack against civilians in the Philippines  was a matter of policy under Duterte and “was both widespread and systematic: the attack took place over a period of several years, and thousands [of] people appear to have been killed”.

So, what does Duterte’s surrender mean and what happens next? Here are a few thoughts on this momentous development.

First and foremost, the arrest of Duterte is a vindication of what victims and survivors of Duterte’s “drug war” have insisted for many years: the former President is responsible for atrocity crimes and should face his day in court on charges of crimes against humanity. Duterte’s arrest is likewise a victory for the tireless and courageous human rights advocates and journalists who never stopped fighting to hold Duterte to account, despite the great risk to their personal safety and well-being. As the ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor has stated, it was the victims, survivors, witnesses and activists whose “strength, courage, and perseverance make these significant developments possible.”

Second, Duterte’s arrest is a timely win for an embattled ICC. It is no secret that the Court is facing a multi-pronged attack from the United States, Israel, and Russia, among others. Even its so-called friends have undermined the institution. In recent weeks, Italy – a member-state of the ICC – refused to cooperate with the Court and surrender an ICC suspect, wanted for atrocities committed against migrants in Libya, to The Hague. 

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