Unnecessary & Counter-Productive: Samantha Power Explains US Position on ICC & Syria

Samantha Power and Vitaly Churkin

Samantha Power speaks with her Russian counter-part Vitaly Churkin during a meeting of the Security Council earlier this year (Photo: EPA)

Yesterday, I highlighted Argentina’s eloquent and conscientious defence of the International Criminal Court’s integrity and independence in response to the Security Council’s failure to refer Syria to the ICC. Today, I want to focus on the response by the United States’ Ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power.

As readers will know, about two weeks ago, the US changed its policy towards a referral of Syria to the ICC. That paved the way for a French-drafted resolution to be tabled at the Security Council. Predictably, Russia and China vetoed the referral. I say predictably not because observers of the Court and Council knew it would happen but because Russia, in particular, had been unequivocal that it would veto any referral of Syria to the ICC.

Still, no one really knew why the US had made such a dramatic change in its policy towards an ICC intervention in Syria. But in the wake of the failed referral, US Ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power explained Washington’s position. Here’s a snippet:

“Today is about accountability for crimes so extensive, so deadly, that they have few equals in modern history. Today is about accountability for Syria. But it is also about accountability for this Security Council.

It is this Council’s responsibility to stop atrocities if we can and – at a minimum – to ensure that the perpetrators of atrocities are held accountable. It was toward that minimum that we sought to make progress today. My government applauds the vast majority of members of this Council who voted to support – and the some 64 countries who joined us in co-sponsoring – this effort to refer these atrocities to the International Criminal Court.

Sadly, because of the decision by the Russian Federation to back the Syrian regime no matter what it does, the Syrian people will not see justice today. They will see crime, but not punishment.…

…In the past, when extraordinary crimes have been carried out, the International Criminal Court has been able to act. Why is it that the people of Uganda, Darfur, Libya, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cote d’Ivoire, Mali, and Kenya deserve international, impartial justice, but the Syrian people do not? Why should the International Criminal Court pursue accountability for atrocities in Africa but none in Syria where the worst horrors of our time are being perpetrated? For those who have asked the Security Council this very reasonable question, today you have your answer: the Russian and Chinese vetoes.

Our grandchildren will ask us years from now how we could have failed to bring justice to people living in hell on earth…

…Month after month, and year after year, we have each spoken about the importance of justice and the need for accountability in Syria. Victims and survivors have begged for action and cried for justice. The international community has supported ad hoc efforts to collect evidence, to record testimony. We’ve launched commissions of inquiry to find facts, and we’ve held meeting after meeting. But we have not, before today, brought forward a resolution to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court. We have not done so because we were afraid that it would be vetoed.

But the victims of the Assad regimes’ industrial killing machine and the victims of terrorist attacks deserve more than to have more dead counted. They deserve to have each of us, the members of this Security Council, counted and held to account. They deserve to have history record those who stood with them, and those who were willing to raise their hands to deny them a chance at justice. While there may be no ICC accountability today for the horrific crimes being carried out against the Syrian people, there should be accountability for those members of this Council that have prevented accountability…”

Let’s break this down.

Wreckage of a car in Kaheel village, Syria (Photo: Mohamed Fares/ Thomson Reuters)

Wreckage of a car in Kaheel village, Syria (Photo: Mohamed Fares/ Thomson Reuters)

First, Power explains that the US did not support ICC involvement in Syria because the US was “afraid” that any referral would have been vetoed. But that was never the driving force behind the US’s position. Just last September, Power intimated that ICC involvement would be futile. For reasons that can be debated (and will be debated when they are eventually clarified in public), the US believed that an ICC intervention could undermine ending the Syria civil war. It also worried that an ICC investigation into Syria might bleed into an investigation of Israel, which controls the Golan Heights. Continue reading →

Posted in International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council, United Nations, United States | Tagged | 4 Comments

Argentina Slams UN Security Council Over ICC Referral, Entrenching Selectivity

Ambassador Perceval (right) with US Ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power (Photo: UN Photo/Evan Schneider)

Ambassador Perceval (right) with US Ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power (Photo: UN Photo/Evan Schneider)

Some of the best responses to both failed and successful UN Security Council resolutions are seldom read or heard because they come from small or middle-power states and because they get lost in the fray of big-power rhetoric. Just one notable example is Brazil’s insistence, following both the Security Council’s referral of Darfur (2005) and Libya (2011) to the International Criminal Court (ICC), that exempting citizens of non-states parties fundamentally undermines the ICC as an institution and international criminal justice as a project.

Last week, in response to the failed referral of Syria to the ICC, Argentina’s Ambassador to the UN, Ambassador María Cristina Perceval lambasted the Security Council. But she did so not simply for its failure to refer Syria to the Court. Instead, Perceval slammed the Council for its insistence in propagating referrals which undermine the ICC and which entrench a system of uneven, selective justice. In doing so, Perceval covered many of the key – and crucial – concerns within the proposed referral. Below is the relevant section of her hard-hitting and eloquent statement. Hopefully the Security Council – and the ICC itself – take note.

Following our political resolve, our ethical responsibility and respect for international law, Argentina voted in favour of the referral of the situation in Syria to the ICC. Our sole, firm and clear objective was the investigation and prosecution by the Court of perpetrators of crimes under the Rome Statute and the recognition of the inalienable right of victims to “truth, memory, justice and reparation”.

But at the same time Argentina decided not to cosponsor this initiative, because it was also our objective to preserve the integrity of the Statute, which requires that referrals by this Council be formulated in the adequate terms so as to not to undermine the legal foundations of the Rome Statute or its validity as well as the Court’s effectiveness.

Mr. President,

On the one hand, there seems once and again to be the purpose that we accept the exercise of selectivity when it comes to justice; that we are not surprised that faced with comparable situations where heinous crimes are committed are considered to be susceptible of being referred to the Court while not others.

On the other, there seems to be the purpose that we accept the belief that undermining the integrity of legal instruments does not in any way hinder the objective of achieving justice. Sometimes recourse is made to very sophisticated arguments, although mainly applying the pragmatic principle that the end justifies the means. But we learned from experience that not every means leads to the objective sought.

To Argentina, as well as many other Members, normal recourse to arbitrariness, legal regression and pragmatism without values are not valid options.

In our view, every heinous crime has to be taken to justice, wherever it is committed and by whomever. Just as with human rights it is not possible to maintain we respect some but not others, we cannot maintain we defend the applicability of some provisions of a norm, but not its entirety.

Mr. President:

Already in 2005, when this Council adopted Resolution 1593 (2005) referring the situation in Darfur to the ICC and being Argentina one of its members, we maintained that certain elements of the resolution should not become permanent. But today we face the same scenario, as the text of the draft: a) reflects the intention that the referral dealt with today affects certain subjects while not others; b) it admits exemptions from the material scope of the Court’s jurisdiction and from the obligation to cooperate with the Court, and c)it includes a provision indicating that the Council “recognizes” that the expenses arising from this referral will not be defrayed by the United Nations but by States Parties to the Rome Statute or voluntary contributions, thereby contravening the provisions of the Rome Statute.

Is it necessary to remind that the Security Council has the power to oblige all Members of the United Nations -Parties and Non Parties to the Rome Statute- to cooperate with the Court?

It is disappointing that this Council does not put that ethical obligation into practice.

Continue reading →

Posted in Argentina, International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council, United Nations | Tagged | 3 Comments

The Security Council’s Appalling Record of Referring Situations to the ICC

With the backdrop of the failed referral of Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC), Jonathan O’Donohue joins JiC for this very timely and critical take on the Security Council’s record of (not) referring situations to the ICC. Jonathan is a legal advisor in the International Secretariat of Amnesty International. 

(Photo: China.org.cn)

(Photo: China.org.cn)

Yesterday, China and Russia vetoed a Security Council resolution to refer war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the conflict in Syria to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Their decision is a massive setback to efforts to ensure international justice for the Syrian people and the international initiative to end impunity for such crimes.

The failure of the resolution sends a dangerous message to all sides of the conflict in Syria that, despite the rhetoric by the UN Security Council on “the need to end impunity”, they can continue to commit horrific crimes with no real or immediate risk of being brought to justice.

This is the first time a referral has been vetoed and the Security Council has in the past referred Darfur and Libya to the Prosecutor. However, statements delivered following yesterday’s vote show that its permanent members are currently deeply divided on the issue of referrals. Therefore, it may be a long time before we see another referral to the ICC Prosecutor. If that is the case, there are many other situations where crimes are currently being committed with impunity in countries that have not ratified the Rome Statute that will be beyond the reach of the ICC.

The double veto does nothing save seek to protect those in the Syrian government, its armed forces and the armed groups from international justice. Russian officials stated that a referral would be “counterproductive” to efforts to resolve the conflict, ignoring the fact that since 2011 war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed with complete impunity. There is no end in sight to the bloodshed. The referral would no doubt have been met with a strong reaction from the Syrian government and armed groups participating in the conflict who currently benefit from impunity. But it may have forced the individuals who are orchestrating, planning and ordering the crimes to think twice about continuing their actions and the consequences of doing so.

Russia also argued strongly, referencing the experience in Libya, that the proposed referral is an effort to lay the groundwork for outside military intervention. Without getting into the merits of its claims or calls for external military intervention, the Security Council should be able to take action under Chapter VII to refer situations to the ICC independently of any decisions it takes relating to the use of force. The military intervention in Libya was based on Security Council Resolution 1973, not on Resolution 1970 which referred the situation to the ICC Prosecutor.

Protesters in Turkey demonstrate against ongoing violence in Syria. (Photo: Reuters photo)

Protesters in Turkey demonstrate against ongoing violence in Syria. (Photo: Reuters photo)

Russia also implied that there are double standards within the Security Council regarding referrals. Here it was right to do so. The insistence by the USA that all referrals contain an exemption clause seeking to preclude the ICC from exercising jurisdiction over US nationals (and the nationals of other countries which have not ratified the ICC’s Statute) accused of crimes in those situations is unacceptable. The clause is inconsistent with the Rome Statute, which provides that the ICC can investigate and prosecute, regardless of nationality, all persons accused of committing crimes in a situation where it has jurisdiction, if there are no genuine national proceedings against them. It is therefore also at odds with one of the key purposes of the United Nations to “establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained.” But these clauses do not justify the decision to veto the Syria referral. Instead, the members of the Security Council should make a strong stand, as Argentina did yesterday, demanding that this language be removed from future resolutions. Continue reading →

Posted in Guest Posts, International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council | 2 Comments

New article: “The International Criminal Court and the Politics of Prosecutions”

I have a new article out in The International Journal of Human Rights that JiC readers might be interested in.*  If anyone does not have access to the journal through their library’s subscriptions, they are free to contact me for a copy. Here’s the link and the abstract:

I assess the credibility of the International Criminal Court (ICC) as an impartial and independent institution by demonstrating how state behaviour towards the Court has politicised prosecutions. There are two mechanisms by which prosecutions have become politicised: the referrals of conflict situations to the ICC by political actors, i.e. States Parties to the Rome Statute and United Nations Security Council, and the prospect and degree of state cooperation with the Court. Consequently prosecutions have targeted only one side of the conflict and reflect the strategic political interests of the referring actors but promise a greater degree of state cooperation. The case studies selected here present variation in the nature of referrals and degree of cooperation, making for an instructive comparison and revealing an identifiable pattern of politicisation.

The article addresses most of the conflict situations currently in the ICC’s docket. But as the UN Security Council contemplates a referral of the Syria situation to the Court, it is worth considering the likelihood that all parties to the conflict will be held accountable. Given the one-sided nature of the Court’s prosecutions to date, and the limiting language of the draft resolution that is similar to to the Libya referral, it seems Syria will go the way of the rest (if it makes it to the ICC at all).

(See also a past post on the related issue of the ICC’s use of the “gravity” criterion for selecting situations and cases and how this has affected the perceived impartiality of the Court.)

*Shameless self-promotion

Posted in Gravity, ICC Prosecutor, International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council, Uncategorized | Tagged , , | 3 Comments

An Enduring Shame: The Chagos Islander’s Long Fight for Justice

Linda Browne joins JiC for this fascinating guest-post on the fight of the people of the Chagos Islands to achieve justice and take back their homeland. Linda is currently a Masters student in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London.

Protesters outside the Court of Justice in London, UK (Photo: PA)

Protesters outside the Court of Justice in London, UK (Photo: PA)

We are all aware of the violent political conflicts around the world, of the atrocities committed during these conflicts, of Western interference, or lack thereof. But what of the indirect impacts of these conflicts, especially the communities devastated to enable such interventions?

Communities such as the Chagos Islanders were displaced from their homeland of Diego Garcia by the British to facilitate the development of the US’s largest military base, the base from which the US would launch almost every military attack in the Iraq / Afghanistan conflict some 30 – 40 years later.

Mauritius is currently challenging UK sovereignty of the Chagos Islands in the permanent court of arbitration (PCA), a UN tribunal whose decisions are binding. This is an important case challenging the legality of the Marine Protected Area (MPA) around Chagos created by the UK in 2010. The legal proceedings could, in turn, challenge the UK’s sovereignty of the area and therefore the American government’s lease of it. Although most people have never heard of this community – or even this military base – the Chagos Islands case tells us as much, if not more, about the true nature of US / UK foreign policy than do studies of the actual conflicts themselves: the blatant violation of human rights, ruthless disregard of weaker communities in pursuit of strategic power, and the astonishing manipulation of facts to keep the truth from being uncovered.

Diego Garcia is the largest of the Chagos Archipelago islands in the Indian Ocean. They were settled by the UK / US governmentsas strategic outposts to contain the threat of communism during the Cold War. The British government bargained for the islands during Independence talks with Mauritius and annexed them as a new British colony (BIOT) in 1965, a measure in direct contravention of UNGA Declaration 1514 (XV) which emphasized that preservation of the territorial integrity of dependent states was to be ensured during de-colonization. The plan to create this new British colony and then lease it to the US as a military base was done without the consent or knowledge of either the British Parliament or the US Congress. It was achieved by invoking the Order in Council, an archaic law allowing the British Monarch to override Parliament. For the British government it was a perfect solution, inasmuch as they retained influence in the Indian Ocean while the US carried the military and financial costs.

The one serious impediment to this plan was the Archipelago’s almost 2,000 inhabitants, an indigenous population with established schools, full employment on the the island’s plantations, and a subsistence economy topped up by supplies of staples shipped regularly from Mauritius and the Seychelles. Article 73 of the UN Charter makes clear that the interests of such inhabitants are to be ‘paramount,’ with the promotion of their well-being held as a sacred trust by the relevant colonial power. To circumvent this issue, the UK deliberately concealed the indigenous status of the inhabitants, categorizing them as contract labourers instead.

Diego Garcia and the Chagos Islands (Photo: NASA)

Diego Garcia and the Chagos Islands (Photo: NASA)

The resultant eviction was swift and brutal. Initially the British government issued a compulsory buy-out of the plantations, slowly closed them down, and then stopped the supply of staples to the islands. Finally by 1971 the UK government began forced evictions. To ensure the Chagossians fully understood the serious intent of the authorities, their pet dogs were rounded up, put in a shed, gassed and burned

Colonial history is replete with acts of atrocity against indigenous peoples. Yet the case of Chagos Islands has been described as one of Britain’s “most shameful episodes”. Arguably, the real shame is with the UK / US government’s continuing deception and refusal to grant an effective remedy. Details of the Chagossian’s treatment gained credence after the UK foreign office was legally ordered to release files from the period in 2012. Previously, the government had continued the charade of arguing that the Islanders were not indigenous but rather ‘contract labourers’. At every turn, the Chagossians have been thwarted by powerful bureaucracies.In 2000, the Chagossians had their claims of right to return upheld in the UK courts but this was overturned when the government again invoked the Order in Council in 2004 – on general election day so that no-one knew it had even happened! The Orders were successfully challenged in 2006/7 with the Court of Appeal stating it was an abuse of power, but when the claims were finally rejected in the House of Lords in 2008, the House of Lords decided it was a political, rather than a legal matter. Continue reading →

Posted in Chagos Islands, Guest Posts, Justice, United Kingdom, United Nations | 3 Comments

Syria and the ICC: Three Burning Questions

(Photo: Pablo Tosco / AFP / Getty Images)

(Photo: Pablo Tosco / AFP / Getty Images)

The debate over the merits and meaning of a potential United Nations Security Council referral of Syria to the International Criminal Court continues. In this light, I was thrilled to have the opportunity to pen an article for The Monkey Cage / Washington Post. It covers a lot of the same ground that JiC has trodden over the last few months but hopefully brings it together in a cohesive whole. Here’s a snippet:

Calls for justice and accountability in Syria emerged as swiftly as the civil war itself. But after three years of brutal bloodshed, unsuccessful mediation and perhaps the worst ongoing humanitarian crisis in the 21st century, justice has remained evasive. The United Nations Security Council has been locked in a stalemate – not only on how to end the conflict, but how and when to pursue accountability for atrocities committed during the civil war. With the Obama administration throwing its support behind a draft Security Council resolution referring Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC), many believe – and hope – that the deadlock on justice may soon be broken.

Proponents of the court are undoubtedly excited about the prospects of an ICC intervention in Syria. Facing obvious pushback from the Security Council, many, including former ICC chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo, had previously concoctedcreative approaches to getting the court involved. Now their hope is that the council will grant the court the ability to open an investigation into crimes committed in Syria.

But the growing feasibility of a referral calls for sober reflection. Pursuing international criminal justice in Syria is a much more complex affair than it may first appear. At least three separate, albeit related, questions need to be answered: What does the change in U.S. policy mean with regards to a potential referral of Syria to the ICC? Is an ICC intervention into the ongoing conflict a good idea? And, if requested to do so, should the ICC intervene in Syria?

First, does the U.S. administration’s volte-face really change anything? There are two competing opinions on the matter. First, some believe that the United States’ much delayed support for a referral of Syria to the ICC is simply political grandstanding. Knowing that Russia (and perhaps China) will veto any referral, the cost of throwing support behind the ICC is low, but the benefits are high: Being able to slam Russia as being on the wrong side of history – and justice. Conversely, the Obama administration’s change in position can be seen as a “conversation changer.” While it may not automatically translate into a referral, it is an obvious and necessary condition for eventually having Syria investigated by the ICC. There is no denying that there can be no backtracking on the part of the United States and that the discussion of an ICC referral has been reinvigorated.

No one, however, is willing to suggest a referral is forthcoming – at least not any time soon. The most obvious barrier is Russia’s recalcitrance. However, there is also another reason why the ICC is unlikely to be asked to investigate Syria. There is widespread recognition – and growing evidence – that both the Syrian government and Syrian opposition forces have committed war crimes. In order for the Security Council to agree to a referral, there needs to be a consensus within the council on precisely whom the ICC should target for prosecution. Previous investigations demonstrate that the court tends to target only one side of the ongoing and active conflicts in which it intervenes (see here for reasoning). Without a consensus on the council as to who should be targeted, it is hard, if not impossible, to imagine a referral being achieved.

You can read the rest of the article here.

Posted in International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Full Draft: UN Resolution Referring Syria to the ICC

(Photo: Patrick Gruban)

(Photo: Patrick Gruban)

As readers will know, the US has agreed to support a referral of Syria to the International Criminal Court (see here and here). Observers have since been commenting on and debating the potential details of a referral (see here, here and here) and what they may mean for the Court. A few of those details have now emerged. The following is a full draft of the current resolution being circulated at the Security Council. There are a number of important changes and improvements – but also some aspects which remain unchanged from previous referrals (most notably the exemption of citizens of states that are not members of the ICC). For the moment, I will refrain from editorializing but I will post a separate commentary on the draft in the coming days.

The Security Council,

Recalling its resolutions 2042 (2012), 2043 (2012), 2118 (2013) and 2139 (2014), and its Presidential Statements of 3 August 2011, 21 March 2012, 5 April 2012 and 2 October 2013,

Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, and to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,

Recalling its full endorsement ofthe Geneva Communiqué of 30 June 2012 which states that accountability for acts committed during the present conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic must be addressed,

Taking note of the reports of the independent international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, mandated by the Human Rights Council to investigate all alleged violations of international human rights law since March 2011 in the Syrian Arab Republic, to establish the facts and circumstances that may amount to such violations and of the crimes perpetrated and, where possible, to identify those responsible with a view to ensuring that perpetrators of violations, including those that may constitute crimes against humanity, are held accountable,

Recalling the statements made by the Secretary-General and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights that crimes against humanity and war crimes are likely to have been committed in the Syrian Arab Republic,

Noting the repeated encouragement by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights for the Security Council to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court,

Determining that the situation in the Syrian Arab Republic constitutes a threat to international peace and security,

Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

Reaffirms its strong condemnation of the widespread violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by the Syrian authorities and pro-government militias, as well as the human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law by non-State armed groups, all committed in the course of the ongoing conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011;

Decides to refer the situation in the Syrian Arab Republic described in paragraph 1 above since March 2011 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court;

Decides also that the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic, shall cooperate fully with and provide any necessary assistance to the Court and the Prosecutor, including by implementing fully the Agreement on the Privileges and Immunities of the International Criminal Court, pursuant to this resolution and, while recognizing that States not party to the Rome Statute have no obligation under the Statute, strongly urges all States and concerned regional and other international organizations to cooperate fully with the Court and the Prosecutor;

Continue reading →

Posted in International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council, United Nations | 10 Comments

The ICC in Syria: Three Red Lines

A Syrian opposition fighter and his son in Aleppo (Photo: Odd Andersen / AFP / Getty Images)

A Syrian opposition fighter and his son in Aleppo (Photo: Odd Andersen / AFP / Getty Images)

The world is abuzz with the news that that the Obama administration is finally willing to back a referral of Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Will the US’s volte face on an ICC intervention in Syria create ripe conditions for a UN Security Council referral? Probably not – or at least not yet. But there is also another issue at hand: if the Security Council does manage to refer Syria to the Court, should the ICC accept?

The ICC’s relationship with the UN Security Council goes to the very heart of the politics of international justice. As I have written in a draft article on the subject (see here), the Court was originally created as an independent institution in the hopes that it could – and would – transcend the power-politics of the Council. However, in its first ten years, the Court has instead become increasingly close to the Council and affirmed its authority. Former Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo has gone so far as to claim that the ICC should be seen as a “new power for the Security Council”.

This proximate relationship has come at a cost to the Court’s independence and legitimacy. Drawing on the work of William Schabas, I have previously argued that it is the ICC’s affirmation of Security Council power politics that lies at the root of the perception that the Court is biased against African states. Former senior ICC officials are also deeply concerned about the relationship between the Council and the Court. Christian Wenaweser, the former Assembly of States Party President, for example, argues that because of how damaging the relationship has been to the Court, the ICC should at least consider saying no to another Security Council referral.

There is a belief – the wisdom of which can be debated – that Council referrals bestow legitimacy to the Court. Such referrals are seen as a recognition that the ICC’s work matters to the mightiest of players in international politics. Again, though, this comes at a cost.

The ICC may not be able (or want) to say no to a Security Council referral. But here are three “red lines” that the Court should be wary of.

You, Not Us

Any referral of Syria to the ICC is likely to include an operative paragraph declaring that, with the exception of Syrians, no citizens of states that are not members of the ICC can be investigated or prosecuted by the Court. In all likelihood, it will be a copy-and-paste job from previous Security Council referrals. Both the referrals of Darfur (Resolution 1593 (2005)) and Libya (Resolution 1970 (2011)) included precisely this unfortunate stipulation. It has long bee recognized that placing such exemptions on the Court violates key principles of international law and politicizes the ICC. As Robert Cryer observed in an article on Resolution 1593,

“the legitimacy of the referral is impaired by the a-priori exclusion of non-party state nationals from the jurisdiction of the ICC…the point is not that the jurisdiction of the ICC will be significantly limited in a practical fashion, but that the exclusion of some states’ nationals fails to respect the Prosecutor’s independence and makes it difficult to reconcile the resolution with the principle of equality before the law. Some states’ nationals, it would appear, are more equal than others.”

It has also been debated whether the ICC would actually be bound to respect such exemptions. If the same exclusion is included in a Syria referral (and, given US insistence it surely will), the Prosecutor may be wise to finally come out and declare that this violates the very principles upon which international criminal law rests and clarify whether the Court considers itself legally bound by such exemptions.

The Azaz refugee camp in Syria, in 2012 (Photo: Manu Brabo / AP)

The Azaz refugee camp in Syria, in 2012 (Photo: Manu Brabo / AP)

And Specifically You

There is an ongoing danger that referrals – whether from states or the Security Council – represent attempts to focus the ICC’s Prosecutor on specific groups or actors. This has happened on a number of occasions. The most blatant example came with the first-ever referral to the ICC. In 2003, the Government of Uganda referred the Lord’s Resistance Army – and not the situation in Northern Uganda – to the ICC. Notably, then Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo requested that the referral be clarified. However, the Office of the Prosecutor still only targeted LRA commanders.

There are similar fears that the restrictions placed on Ukraine’s acceptance of ICC jurisdiction may focus the Court on the current Government’s adversaries. Ukraine’s declaration accepting ICC jurisdiction restricts the ICC to investigating crimes between 21 November 2013 and 22 February 2014. Placing limits on the temporal jurisdiction of the ICC (i.e. the time period which the Court can examine) also helped shield Western states from scrutiny over their rather nefarious and possibly criminal political and intelligence relationships with the regime of Muammar Gaddafi.

There is every possibility that a potential referral of Syria will seek to do the same. There is no consensus on who the ICC should target in Syria. But every major power on the UN Security Council is backing someone – and someone they don’t want to see ending up in The Hague. Continue reading →

Posted in International Criminal Court (ICC), Syria, UN Security Council | 13 Comments

US Throws Support Behind Referral of Syria to the ICC

(Photo: Associated Press)

(Photo: Associated Press)

In a bombshell, must-read exclusive at Foreign Policy, Colum Lynch reports that the Obama administration has decided to throw its support behind a United Nations Security Council referral of Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

There is an obvious danger in anyone getting their hopes up that this change in policy will result in a referral any time soon. What it does mean, however, is that a previously reluctant government has recognized that it is in its interests to publicly support an ICC intervention in Syria. This is a significant change in course for the Obama administration. And if nothing else, it creates more coherency in the US’s policy towards the Court which has suffered from being highly selective.

Here is a snippet from Lynch’s post:

Barack Obama’s administration has decided to back a push to have the International Criminal Court (ICC) open a formal, United Nations-sanctioned investigation into potential Syrian war crimes, embracing a strategy that it once dismissed as wholly inadequate in confronting mass atrocities in Syria, according to U.N.-based officials.

The United States this week gave the green light to France — which has championed the effort — to distribute the text of a draft Security Council resolution authorizing an ICC investigation into alleged Syrian atrocities to other members of the 15-nation council for more formal negotiations, according to diplomats familiar with the matter.

The United States indicated that it could support the text after seeking assurances that the ICC prosecutor, based in The Hague, would have no authority to investigate any possible war crimes by Israel, which has occupied the Golan Heights since the Six-Day War in 1967, according to those diplomats. The draft will be shared this week with the U.N.’s five veto-wielding powers, including China and Russia, before being distributed to all members of the 15-nation council as early as next week.

Israeli soldiers in the Golan Heights (Photo: CNN, Pablo Tosco/AFP/Getty Images)

Israeli soldiers in the Golan Heights (Photo: CNN, Pablo Tosco/AFP/Getty Images)

The idea of referring Syria to the ICC is nothing new. It has been debated since the very onset of the war (for recent takes, see here, here and here) and has been gaining steam in recent weeks. One of the key sticking points for the US in supporting a referral are its concerns that granting the ICC jurisdiction in Syria would result in the Court investigating Israel, which has long held control of the Golan Heights. According to Lynch, the US received assurances that it would not have the authority to investigate Israel (likely not from the ICC itself but from the drafter of a potential resolution). However, as Kevin Jon Heller suggests, the Court should not investigate Israel if it is Syria that is referred to the ICC. Moreover, as with both previous UN Security Council referrals (Darfur in 2005 and Libya in 2011), any Syria referral will almost certainly preclude the Court from investigating citizens of states that are not members of the ICC (except, of course, Syria itself).

Some will surely see the administration’s change in policy as nothing more than window dressing or, as Eugene Kontorovich calls it, “cheap talk”. Western states have benefitted from blaming Russia for being a barrier to justice and peace in Syria. That ability is now strengthened. The decision to support a referral will allow the US to put even more rhetorical pressure on Russia whilst claiming that it is (now) on the right side of history and justice. Continue reading →

Posted in ICC Prosecutor, International Criminal Court (ICC), Russia, Syria, UN Security Council, United States | Tagged , | 8 Comments

Gerry Adams’s Arrest: A Case of Peace vs. Justice?

The arrest of Gerry Adams, the President of Sinn Féin, on allegations that he was involved in the abduction and killing of Jean McConville in 1972 has caused quite the stir. Many are wondering what the implications of Adams’s arrest will be for Northern Ireland’s peace process. The crux of the debate concerns the relationship and tensions between maintaining peace and achieving justice. I wrote the article below for the Globe and Mail who were gracious enough to allow me to repost it, in its entirety, here. 

Jean McConville and three of her ten children.

Jean McConville and three of her ten children.

Peace is a process. It takes time and, because it tends to be fragile, it requires careful cultivation. At the same time, communities increasingly expect that peace will allow for mechanisms to achieve justice. Without prosecuting those responsible for human rights violations and atrocities, peace is often seen as somehow incomplete.

This week, the expectations of cultivating peace and pursuing justice came into sharp relief in Northern Ireland. Investigations are ongoing into crimes committed during the Troubles, a period which began in the late 1960s and ended with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The period was characterized by incessant sectarian violence, primarily between Protestant groups loyal to the United Kingdom and Catholic republican forces.

Last week investigators honed in on the long-time president of Sinn Féin, Gerry Adams, and his alleged role in the 1972 kidnapping and murder of 38-year old widowed mother of 10, Jean McConville.

Adams has been a stalwart and a chief broker in the tumultuous peace process since the 1980s and has carefully cultivated his image as something of a patron saint of Northern Ireland’s peace process. With his arrest, Northern Ireland now finds itself in a position all too familiar to transitional states: weighing the imperatives of pursuing justice with the prerogatives of maintaining peace.

The peace in Northern Ireland remains delicate. Tensions continue to simmer. Dozens of politically inspired murders remain unsolved. Major cities continue to be heavily segregated. Official tour guides pointedly refuse to discuss any recent acts of violence, focusing instead on events from the 1970s and 1980s – periods better protected by the passage of time. A two-story high corrugated iron fence, ironically named “Peace Wall,” carves the capital of Belfast, demarcating Protestant and Catholic neighbourhoods.

While sectarian violence has dramatically diminished, it has not yet been extinguished. Militants continue to be “knee-capped” – often by their own sectarian ’side’. Rather than attempting to avoid such fates, victims voluntarily appear before their perpetrators. As one local Belfast resident explained to this author in 2013, the options are clear: “it’s either a bullet in the knee or a bullet in the head.” Despite a commitment from political figures – by both sides of the sectarian divide – to eliminate political violence and eradicate so-called ’punishment shootings’, knee-capping continues. Today, Northern Ireland has become a leading hub for knee cap reconstruction surgery. What many fear is that it could be worse, that Adams’ arrest and potential prosecution will unravel the peace process and instigate a renewal of paramilitary violence.

Republican demonstrators gather at a mural depicting and praising Adams's role in the peace process (Photo: AP)

Republican demonstrators gather at a mural depicting and praising Adams’s role in the peace process (Photo: AP)

The McConville case poses two stark and highly related tests for Northern Ireland. First, is the peace secure enough for justice to run its course? And second, can fair and impartial justice be achieved?

Symptomatic of post-conflict justice is the fact that evidence dredged up for prosecutions long after the alleged crimes have been committed is often unreliable. The evidence against Adams comes, literally, from beyond the grave. Starting in 2001, former Republicans and Loyalists agreed to be interviewed for an academic oral history project at Boston College. A number of the Irish Republican Army participants – who also happen to be political adversaries of Adams – pinpoint Adams as being responsible for McConville’s murder. After lengthy legal wrangling, and despite requests not to release the interviews from former Massachusetts Senator and current US Secretary of State John Kerry, documents from the interviews were eventually turned over to authorities in Northern Ireland. However, the evidence may ultimately be unreliable in a court of law, as their allegations cannot be verified and, due to their deaths, the accusers can never be cross-examined. Continue reading →

Posted in Northern Ireland, Peace Processes, United Kingdom | 5 Comments